Research Thesis Mughal

Research Thesis Mughal-59
The Mughal state, in brief, is perceived as a systematically centralized one, both theoretically and in reality. Amidst this critque of the state of historiography, Perlin argues that context has been sacrificed to ‘a dubious focus on inner workings, logics and principle’, and that, ‘a particular document tends therefore to be read as a representation of a greater system at work rather than as marks of time-and-place sited events which initially need to be set within local historical and structural contexts before being used for comparision and explanation’, p. This work emphasizes the socio-political changes that were taking place within the Mughal imperial system and which combined with other factors to constitute the ‘processes of regional restructuring’. Chapters I and II deal at length with these questions.It is seen as one that had acquired the power to enforce uniformity of government in all parts of the empire and was sustained by its ability to appropriate a large portion of the economic surplus generated within its frontiers. Among these changes by way of example were the emergence of the ‘, too, aspired to a permanent holding so that he could build his own base in the region’. system represented one facet of the extreme degree of systematization and centralization reached in the Mughal empire.

The Mughal state, in brief, is perceived as a systematically centralized one, both theoretically and in reality. Amidst this critque of the state of historiography, Perlin argues that context has been sacrificed to ‘a dubious focus on inner workings, logics and principle’, and that, ‘a particular document tends therefore to be read as a representation of a greater system at work rather than as marks of time-and-place sited events which initially need to be set within local historical and structural contexts before being used for comparision and explanation’, p. This work emphasizes the socio-political changes that were taking place within the Mughal imperial system and which combined with other factors to constitute the ‘processes of regional restructuring’. Chapters I and II deal at length with these questions.It is seen as one that had acquired the power to enforce uniformity of government in all parts of the empire and was sustained by its ability to appropriate a large portion of the economic surplus generated within its frontiers. Among these changes by way of example were the emergence of the ‘, too, aspired to a permanent holding so that he could build his own base in the region’. system represented one facet of the extreme degree of systematization and centralization reached in the Mughal empire.

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Mir Khan the faujdar appointed after the 1658 war of succession was the son of Khalilullah Khan, the subadar of Lahore at this time. It is possible that Najabat Khan who was the faujdar in 1642–43 held a higher mansab on account of the fact that he had, in 1638–39, already attained the rank of 4000/4000 as subadar of Multan.

See Both Khanazad Khan and Said Khan, the faujdar and subadar respectively, were removed from their offices in 1642–43. We do not, however, have any definite information to suggest that he was appointed as the faujdar of Kangra with the same mansab.

That much of his conditional rank was because of the faujdari of Jammu becomes clear from the statement in this document that in Jan.

1707, ‘500/100 out of his conditional mansab for the faujdari of Jammu were made unconditional’.

The administrative machinery (both official and quasi-official) involved in the maintenance of this ‘Mughal system’ presents a picture of truly gigantic proportions, yet one that is portrayed as almost uniformly conforming to elaborately formulated methods of functioning. Quite rightly Alam points out that ‘these developments violated the classical Mughal concept of imperial authority, as seen in the seventeenth century, undermined the prospects of its survival and reinforced the course of provincial autonomy’. It was similarly reflected in the uniformity enforced in the post and functions thereto in all parts of the empire’, p. Siddiqi, perhaps, comes nearest to the real situation.

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He argues that the faujdari was a separate unit under the faujdar and quite distinct from other divisions.We see that the entire increase in his zat was derived from his holding the office of faujdar.Quite possibly, many of the forts of the other faujdaris had regularly appointed qiladars.The difference in the nature of control can be compared with instances of faujdars who had effective military control over their territories.The military significance of Lakhi Jangal has already been pointed out, as also the importance of some of its faujdars.We use cookies to offer you a better experience, personalize content, tailor advertising, provide social media features, and better understand the use of our services.To learn more or modify/prevent the use of cookies, see our Cookie Policy and Privacy Policy.The faujdari according to him could compromise a , the faujdar appointed in 1640–41 was the son of Said Khan the subadar of Lahore in 1640–43 (with a break in between as subadar of Multan).Khanjar Khan, the faujdar in 1644–45 was a nephew of Qulij Khan, the subadar of Lahore in 1643–46.Some of them while holding Lakhi Jangal as a single charge had fairly large mansabs.Asad Khan (1628–29 to 1630–31) had 2500/2500, Sazawar Khan (1632–33 to 1634–35) had 2500/2000, Dindar Khan (1664–65) had 2500/2000, Prince Muhammad Mu'izz-ud-din had 10,000 zat.

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